But
meanwhile complete victory had crowned the arms of Earl Simon in the
southern part of the field. The Earl of Gloucester in the baronial centre
had after severe fighting broken the line of Richard of Cornwall's
division, captured most of its leaders -
including Percy, Baliol, Comyn, and Bruce - and
forced Richard himself to take refuge with a few followers in a windmill,
where he defended himself for a space while the tide of battle rolled past
him towards the town. It is probable that Earl Simon threw his reserve
into action against the northern flank of the king's own corps, when he
saw that the line was giving way: at any rate, the Royalist left broke up
soon after the centre had failed. The king's horse was killed under him,
but he was dragged off by his household and carried into the priory, where
all who could, followed him. But the greater part of his centre and left
wing had been thrust southward by the successful advance of the barons,
and found themselves with the marshy ground, half covered by water at the
full tide, behind them. Some tried to escape by swimming over, but the mud
sucked them in, and next day scores were found at the ebb, drowned in
their saddles, with their drowned horses still between their legs, lodged
fast in
the slime.15 Others slipped through the streets of
Lewes and got over the bridge; a good many took refuge with the king in
the priory; a certain number were slain, but the majority laid down their
arms and were granted quarter by the victorious barons. These prisoners
were soon joined by King Richard, who, after being blockaded in his mill
for some time, and much scoffed at by his besiegers, had to come out and
surrender himself to a young knight named Sir John Beavs.
While
the barons were battering at the castle gate, and shooting arrows tipped
with burning tow against the priory to set it on fire, Prince Edward and
the victorious Royalist right wing came into sight on the slopes of the
Downs, They' rode hastily on to the field at about two o'clock in the
afternoon, and the prince resolved to recommence the fight. But when the
baronial host came swarming out of the town against them, the large
majority of Edward's followers lost heart: the two Lusignans, Earl Warenne,
and Bigot the Justiciar, with five hundred knights at their back, turned
their reins and rode off. The prince himself with a few faithful
followers, charged and cut his way as far as the priory, which he entered
and so was able to join his father. But it was clear by nightfall that
they would be unable to make a long defence, and with great wisdom Henry
and his son sent to ask for peace from the barons. Thus came about the
celebrated "Mise of Lewes," by which the king laid down his arms, gave up
his son as hostage, and agreed to abide by terms to be settled by
arbitration.
The
battle had not been so bloody as many medieval fights: the estimate of the
losses runs from twenty-seven hundred to four thousand, the better
authorities inclining to the smaller figure. The captives were far more
numerous than the slain: among the latter are named only two men of
importance on each side; on that of the king, William de Wilton was slain,
and Fulk Fitzwarren drowned in the marsh: the barons had to lament a
Kentish banneret named Ralph Heringot, and William le Blound, the
commander of the baggage-guard.
It
will be observed from the above narration that Lewes was essentially a
cavalry battle: the infantry seem to have had little or no influence on
its fate; we only hear of them as suffering, not as inflicting losses. It
is especially curious that we have no mention whatever of the employment
of archery on either side. One chronicler praises the slingers in the
baronial army, another mentions crossbowmen, but of archery there is no
word, though the Assize of Arms of 1252 had named the bow as the yeoman's
special weapon. In the whole campaign we only once hear of the use of that
arm-when the king on his march to Lewes was molested in the woods by Simon
s Welsh bowmen, and drove them off with some loss. It is obvious that the
supremacy of cavalry was still well-nigh unchecked, and that the proper
use of infantry armed with missile weapons was not yet understood.
The
main interest of the fight is tactical: Simon won because he chose his
ground well, because he surprised his enemy and forced him to fight in
disorder before he could get his host completely arrayed, and still more,
because he kept his victorious troops in hand, and employed his reserve at
the proper moment and in the proper place. Henry lost, partly because he
was surprised, and forced to fight in an unfavourable position, but far
more because the victorious part of his army threw away its advantage, and
was absent from the field during the critical hour that settled its
fortune. Rash adventure and hot-headed eagerness in pursuit cost the
Royalists the day. But neither discipline nor self-restraint were likely
to be prominent in any army over which the imbecile Henry Plantagenet bore
rule.
